Bangladesh grapples with terminology for public gatherings
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Bangladesh’s legal and political landscape is grappling with the semantics of mob violence, as officials offer new terminology for the phenomenon, sparking concerns among human rights advocates and criminologists who warn against downplaying its severity. While dictionary definitions describe a “mob” as a large, disorderly crowd often engaging in violent or disruptive behavior, recent statements from government figures have re-categorized such actions, raising questions about accountability and public safety amidst a surge in related incidents.
The debate over terminology intensified after former interim government chief advisor’s press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, in June 2025, referred to mobs as “pressure groups.” More recently, on May 4 of this year, Law Minister Md. Asaduzzaman termed them “reaction of the people.” These re-descriptions have been met with unease, particularly in light of numerous violent acts attributed to mobs, including the burning of media offices, attacks on cultural institutions, and the murder of individuals.
বিজ্ঞাপন
Human rights organizations, both local and international, have consistently called for an end to mob violence. Amnesty International and Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) have appealed for robust action, while criminologists emphasize the critical need for immediate strict measures to prevent further escalation. The re-characterization of mobs as mere “pressure groups” or “reactions of the people” is viewed by critics as akin to labeling a delinquent child as “naughty,” thereby trivializing serious criminal acts and potentially undermining law enforcement efforts.
During a briefing at the International Criminal Tribunal premises, Law Minister Asaduzzaman was questioned by a journalist regarding whether post-August 5, 2024, mob actions, which appeared systematic and widespread, could be investigated as crimes against humanity. The minister responded that “mob is not systematic or widespread; mob is a reaction of the people,” asserting that such incidents would be handled under ordinary criminal law if applicable. He further contended that prosecuting these actions extensively could “dishonor any freedom struggle, any mass uprising, any revolution,” a linkage whose rationale remained unclear.
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Earlier, in June 2024, Shafiqul Alam, speaking at a seminar on media freedom, explained his use of “pressure group” by suggesting such groups emerged from “failures of previous journalism” and the denial of “minimum civil liberty” over 15 years. He cited past calls by journalists for violence against certain individuals as a potential fear driving the formation of these groups.
Following August 5, 2024, Bangladesh has witnessed a significant rise in mob violence, including beatings leading to death, desecration of shrines, and disruption of folk events. Incidents include the fatal beating of a mentally ill individual at Dhaka University in September 2024, the killing of a former student leader at Rajshahi University days earlier, and the mob lynching of two individuals in Rangpur in August 2025 on suspicion of van theft. In December 2024, a factory worker in Mymensingh was beaten to death and his body set ablaze for alleged blasphemy.
Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) reported a stark increase in mob lynchings, with 197 deaths in 2025 compared to 128 in 2024. In the first three months of the current year alone, 43 mob lynching incidents were recorded across various divisions. A Prothom Alo investigation revealed that nearly 1,500 sculptures, murals, and monuments, including those of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other national figures, were vandalized or destroyed across the country after August 5, 2024. The Sufi research institution Makam: Center for Sufi Heritage, documented 97 attacks on shrines between August 2024 and December 2025.
Additionally, a Prothom Alo report in April indicated a growing trend of attacks and vandalism at rural folk festivals and cultural events, with police recording 135 such incidents in 15 months, leading to the decline of many traditional gatherings. Several media outlets were also targeted after August 5, 2024, including a late-night attack on the Prothom Alo building in December 2024, which involved vandalism, looting, and arson. The Daily Star and Chhayanaut buildings were also attacked the same night, followed by an assault on the Udichi office the next day.
Despite newly appointed Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed’s statement in February, after the BNP formed the government, that “mob culture is over,” incidents persist. Just two months later, individuals perceived as “homosexuals” or “transgender” were attacked in Shahbag, Dhaka. Last month, a local spiritual leader was hacked to death in Kushtia following accusations of blasphemy based on an old video.
Economist Professor Anu Muhammad and Dhaka University Criminology Department Chairman Rezaul Karim Sohag attributed the recurrence of mob violence to a lack of judicial action against previous incidents. Professor Muhammad noted that the interim government’s “inactivity, leniency, and even patronage” in some cases had allowed mob violence to proliferate. Assistant Professor Rezaul Karim emphasized that the failure to ensure justice for such crimes has led to their repetition, urging immediate legal action to prevent an increase in mob violence.
The erosion of trust when justice is not served, coupled with the linguistic redefinition of serious crimes, creates an environment where anyone is vulnerable to uncontrolled violence under the guise of “mob” action driven by personal, political, or ideological disputes. Attempts to soften the language around these offenses, much like using “women’s harassment” instead of “rape,” fail to convey the true severity and risk of such acts. Recognizing and addressing mob violence for what it is—a criminal offense—and taking decisive legal action are crucial to fostering public safety and accountability.
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